{"id":3305,"date":"2019-05-20T11:09:33","date_gmt":"2019-05-20T08:09:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.emep.org\/?p=3305"},"modified":"2019-05-20T11:09:33","modified_gmt":"2019-05-20T08:09:33","slug":"the-programme-of-the-labour-party-turkey-emep","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/emep.org\/en\/the-programme-of-the-labour-party-turkey-emep","title":{"rendered":"The Programme of the Labour Party, Turkey (EMEP)"},"content":{"rendered":"<style type=\"text\/css\" data-type=\"vc_cmsms_shortcodes-custom-css\"><\/style>\n<p>Throughout\nthe history, society has been divided into classes which have conflicting\ninterests. The main division has always been between two antagonistic classes,\nthe exploiting one and the exploited, i.e. those who produce all material\nvalues and those who appropriate social surplus products created by labour.\nThis division has also led to a continuous struggle between classes. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The struggle\nfor a new world, a new society can only become victorious through the struggle\nof the working class, the final exploited class, against the bourgeoisie, the\nfinal exploiting class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Labour\nParty (EMEP) is the party of the working class of Turkey of all nationalities.\nIts ultimate goal is the full and final emancipation of the working class, and\nthe foundation of a social order where the relations of oppression and\nexploitation in all forms will be eradicated \u2013 i.e. a communist society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This goal is\ndetermined by the social conditions that gave rise to the working class\n(capitalist society) and is necessitated by an historically enforced phase of\nsocial progress. Similar conditions force the workers of all countries to unite\nas one, overcoming the barriers of national borders, nationality, religion,\nrace and gender.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Working\nclass\u2019 struggle for emancipation becomes an international movement heading\ntowards the same ultimate goal. EMEP is part of the world working class and its\nemancipation struggle, and has the same goal as the other revolutionary parties\nand organisations of the working class in other countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>A. Working class and the bourgeoisie<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>1.\nThe working class in Turkey is one of the two main classes of capitalist\nsociety, the other being the bourgeoisie, and is a special product of\ncapitalism, growing quantitatively and qualitatively as capitalism develops.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Capitalist society emerged with a grand\nscale commodity production for profit, through expanded reproduction by the\nexploitation of surplus-value. This mode of production evolved with productive\nforces, production and circulation of commodities reaching a level which\ninevitably led to the disintegration of feudal society and of small scale\nproduction, and with the labourers becoming separated from the means of\nproduction. While the means of production concentrated as capital in the hands\nof an ever smaller section of society (capitalists and big land owners),\nproletarian and semi-proletarian masses selling their labour power &#8211;\ncontinuously or intermittently &#8211; to meet the most basic necessities grew in\nnumbers, creating more wealth and capital for the upper classes with their\nlabour. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2. <\/strong>Capitalist production advanced from simple cooperation to manufacturing,\nand from simple machines to ever sophisticated complex system of machinery. Industrial\nRevolution created, along with modern industrial bourgeoisie, modern industrial\nworkers, who got rid of the remnants of relations of the previous social\nsystem, and who had nothing to lose but their chains. Work was no longer an\nactivity depending on labour force and requiring special talents while workers\nbecame a part of the machinery. Meanwhile, the development of capitalist\nrelations in agriculture led to the process of disintegration of peasantry.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3. <\/strong>Bourgeoisie\nspread the production and circulation of commodities to the remotest corners of\nthe earth, resorting to the most barbarous and destructive forms of force when\nnecessary, in order to reach new markets and natural resources. In creating the\ncapitalist world market, it dragged all countries into capitalist development\nand exploitation. Alongside advanced countries, the trade network spreading to\nall countries under the protection of colonialism and subsequent huge profits\nbecame one of the elements of capital accumulation and bourgeois-capitalist\ndevelopment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4. <\/strong>Technical\nadvances reinforced the superiority of large scale capitalist production over\npre-capitalist modes of production and small scale production. While conditions\nof capitalist production reproduced a certain number of small businesses, they\ngenerally fell back and large scale businesses became common place. While\npre-capitalist modes of production and their remnants disappeared, capitalist\nproduction relations developed and increasingly penetrated all fields of social\nlife and restructured it accordingly. Bourgeoisie got the overall hegemony in\nthe superstructure as well as the economy. This dominance found its simplest\npolitical expression in the seizure of state power by the bourgeoisie and in\nits capitalist reorganisation as a tool of oppression and hegemony over the\nworking class and the labourers. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5. <\/strong>As capitalist\ndevelopment process evolves, capital gets a tighter grip on peasants,\ncraftsmen, artisans and other small business owners. Only a small segment of\nsmall businesses prolong their existence by extreme hard work and self imposed\nausterity. Even under slavish living and working conditions some cannot even\nsurvive this and go bankrupt. Big businesses force medium and small-scale\nenterprises that have the potential to be part of their reproduction to become\ntheir auxiliary units in their own terms.&nbsp;\nInsecurity spreads and deepens among intermediary classes and strata.\nThis widens the opportunities for the working class to benefit from the\ncontradictions among proprietors and win over other working classes and strata.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6.<\/strong> The bourgeoisie takes over the state of\nwomen as an oppressed gender and as a kind of house slave, as well as the\nfamily and the patriarchy stemming from this state, and makes it as an element\nof capitalist society and the process of reproduction. As modern industry\ndevelops, capitalism draws greater masses of women into the process of social\nproduction. As this process progresses the material conditions also develop for\nwomen to win their economic independence and equal rights. Nevertheless, the\nbourgeoisie hinders the expansion of democratic rights and freedoms to include\nthe workers and women. Women who are drawn into production become a wage slave,\nalso responsible for the care of children and other house chores. Socialisation\nof the means of production is the precondition for all this work to become\nsocial work, for women to be present in the process of production and in all\nwalks of life freely and in an equal way, and for the eradication of all\nelements in the base and superstructure that prevent this.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7. <\/strong>The increase\nin productivity leads to the production of the same amount of goods with a\nsmaller number of workers, but it also widens the possibility to use women and\nchild labour, resulting in the growth of the section of the population who has\nto sell their labour power to live. Despite fluctuations, the need for\nworkforce lags behind demand. This leads to the enlargement of the army of the\nunemployed, who are pushed into the quagmire of poverty and moral bankruptcy,\nwho have no security, who make up the reserve workforce for capitalists.\nLabour\u2019s dependency on capital is increased as well as the opportunity for the\ncapitalist class to elevate the rate of exploitation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>8. <\/strong>Ownership of\nthe means of production by a small minority and production being made for\nprofit and in intensifying competition result in the disproportionate\ndevelopment in terms of the means of production and the goods of consumption,\nas well as in different sectors of the economy, production and the markets.\nCapitalist development process takes on a disrupted and imbalanced growth\npattern because of economic crises and recessions caused by overproduction.\nCrises, surfacing in varying forms and cycle lengths depending on conditions,\nare the unavoidable phases of capitalist development process. Crises are the\npinnacle of the contradiction between social character of production and the\nprivate character of capitalist appropriation, they are the explosive\nmanifestation of this contradiction. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>9. <\/strong>Bourgeoisie\nand capitalism open the path for the progress of the productive forces, despite\nthe disruptions caused by cyclical crises, as well as immense increases in\nlabour productivity and production. Nevertheless, the fruits of this progress\ncan only be enjoyed by a handful of capital and big land owners. As labour\nproductivity increases so does its exploitation. Despite better means of\nmeeting all material and nonmaterial needs of society, capitalism constantly\nreproduces unemployment, poverty, ignorance and degeneration. It spreads and\ndeepens insecurity and the concern for future among a great majority of the\npopulation. Wars, periods of crisis and recession worsen these conditions.\nDiscontent and anger among workers and labourers increase. The tendency to\nunite and struggle against oppression and exploitation, against the exploiting\nclasses develops. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>10. <\/strong>The ownership of capitalists and big land owners on the means of\nproduction is the basis for the commoditisation of the workforce, the wage\nslavery of the ever increasing sections of society and the exploitation of the\nsurplus value. For this reason, the eradication of the ownership of a small\nminority on the means of production and turning this into common ownership is\nthe precondition for the emancipation of the working class. Throughout its process\nof development capitalism prepares the material basis of this condition and\ngives rise to the social force which would overthrow it. The\nprospects, capacity and ability of the workers to unite against the bourgeoisie\nand organise as an independent social class increase. Having experienced\ncompetition among themselves and an enmity towards machinery, workers&#8217;\nuncoordinated struggles that start in isolation in individual workplaces\nprogress into a united and independent movement. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>II. Monopolies and\nImperialism <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>1. The concentration and centralisation of\nproduction and capital led to the emergence of finance capital, intertwining\nindustrial and bank capital, and of monopolies. In early 20<sup>th<\/sup>\ncentury, capitalism moved to its imperialist stage with finance capital\nbecoming dominant and the state power concentrating in the hands of the finance\noligarchy. There has been a full interconnection and incorporation between the\nmain shareholders and administrators of the monopolies and the governing state\ninstitutions. The state has become instrumentally important in the protection\nof the interests of the monopolies, and a monopolist state capitalism has\ndeveloped. A greater share of total social production has been allocated for\narmament and war expenditures, for the development of the\nmilitarist-bureaucratic state apparatus, a parasite on society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2. <\/strong>Monopolist\ncapitalism is the last stage of capitalism with a high level of development,\nwhose fundamental characteristics have ripened, some having turned into their\nantithesis. This is a stage where the conditions for the transition to a new\nsocial system is further ripened, where new antagonisms and divisions are\ncreated, sharpening all contradictions of capitalism<strong>. <\/strong>Whileproduction is socialised\nas a whole, all wealth is concentrated into the hands of a small minority,\nsocial inequality is increased, and the antagonism between the working class\nand the bourgeoisie deepens on a world scale. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3. <\/strong>Capitalist monopoly,\na result and the antonym of free competition, does not do away with competition\ncompletely; it exits alongside with and above competition. This phenomenon\ndeepens the unbalanced development of capitalism, intensifying the existing\ndivisions and contradictions while adding new ones. Monopolies restrict the\nfree development of the productive forces as they link the use of new\ntechnologies completely to the maximisation of profit and the course of the\ncompetition between monopolies. However, this situation does not remove the\npotential for technology and capitalism to developed faster, though\ntemporarily, than before in some countries and sometimes in the whole of the\ncapitalist world. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4. <\/strong>In the\nimperialist stage, export of capital enhances export of goods and becomes the\nmain component of economic relations between countries. Economies of all\ncountries are united as links in the chain of capitalist world economy. The\nprocess of internationalisation of capital and production advances. Overcoming\nall divisions and restrictions of capitalist-imperialist system, international\norganisation of economy on the basis of equality and mutual benefit of\nsocieties increasingly becomes a necessity for the advancement of productive\nforces. Nevertheless, the capitalist-imperialist system reproduces and\nreinforces the contradictions that prevent this. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5. <\/strong>One of the characteristics of the period of formation of monopolies and\nfinance capital is that capitalism has spread to even the remotest parts and\nthe division of the world has completed. This marks the end for the bourgeoisie\nof a period of expansion of the increasing tensions and burdens brought on by\ncapitalist development into new areas. A new era begins, an era of intensified\noppression and exploitation of the working class and the oppressed peoples,\nwith sharpening contradictions of capitalism leading to developments in leaps\nand bitter conflicts. The competition and struggles to divide world resources\nby main capitalist groups and countries intensify, and capitalism turns into a\nworld system where big imperialist countries enslaves a big majority of the\nworld population, and countries are divided into two as the oppressor and the\noppressed or the exploiter and the exploited. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6. <\/strong>Unequal and\nleapfrog development changes the balance of power between imperialist countries\nand international financial groups. Struggles for the re-division of the world\nand the wars resulting from these struggles become inevitable.\nInter-imperialist contradictions become one of the main contradictions that\nweaken the capitalist system, deepen general depressions, disable or kill\nmillions of people, destroy nature, productive forces and means of livelihood,\ndeepen and spread moral decay and corruption. These contradictions become one\nof the antagonisms and divisions which brings capitalism closer to its\ninevitable end. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7. <\/strong>Increased\nexport of capital hastens the advancement of capitalism in the underdeveloped\nand dependent countries. While imperialist exploitation and oppression\nintensify, new powers of struggle against imperialism and its local foundations\narise. Class differentiations deepen in underdeveloped rural countries where\nthe working class is weak, and the working class and its movement develop and\nsemi-proletarian masses widen. Material preconditions of socialism develop in\nthese countries too. Thus, these countries stop being a rearguard for\nimperialism and become areas of struggles against all reaction and capitalism,\nespecially imperialism and its local supporters. The contradictions between\nimperialism and the exploited and oppressed peoples and nations become one of\nthe fundamental contradictions of capitalist-imperialist system along with the\nlabour-capital and inter-imperialist contradictions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>8. <\/strong>Imperialism leads to the concentration of finance capital in a small\nnumber of imperialist countries and to the enlargement of the rentier strata which\nreceive a greater share of the profit despite having no links with production.\nCapitalist and technical developments enable production, especially its\nlabour-intensive sectors, to be allocated in a greater scale into relatively\nless developed countries with scarce capital, cheap labour, land and raw\nmaterials, and high profits. Imperialist countries with the most developed and\nstrongest finance capital turn into countries which exploit the greatest\nsections of the world population, break away from production even more, with an\nenlarged rentier strata and broadened economic sectors and social sections in\ntheir service.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>9. <\/strong>Imperialism is\nthe systematic restriction or even complete removal, when necessary, of\nperceived roles and responsibilities of symbolic institutions, democratic\nrights and freedoms. It is an all out development of reactionary forces,\nenslavement of other nations and peoples, trampling upon the rights to self\ndetermination and national sovereignty, and tendency to annexation. Fascism, on\nthe other hand, is the intense expression of these tendencies of financial\ncapital; it surfaces as the most reactionary, chauvinistic, aggressive and\nbarbaric trend and form of state. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>10. <\/strong>Financial\ncapital forms alliances with all kinds of reactionary forces \u2013 primarily\nmedieval reactionarism \u2013 making them obey its own hegemonic rules, and becomes\nthe main pillar that supports them. Despite high level of advances in science\nand technology, the bourgeoisie, unable to develop a scientific worldview,\nholds onto and tries to spread the most reactionary dogmas, religious and\nphilosophical-ideological currents from the dustbin of history. Superficiality\nand poverty of ideas in all areas of art and culture becomes commonplace. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>11. <\/strong>While\nmonopolies prevent the free development of the means of production, imperialist\nwars and more frequently appearing and longer lasting economic crises with more\nsevere consequences cause greater devastation in all areas of social life.\nMonopolies use of technology in pursuit of maximum profit broadens this\ndestruction to the environment. Capitalist relations of production become an\nobstruction for the development of productive forces and social progress. Thus,\nending the ownership of the means of production by a small minority and the\nreplacement of capitalist relations of production with socialist relations of\nproduction become a historical necessity and the condition for free development\nof the productive forces. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>III. Imperialism, World\nProletarian Revolution and National Movements<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>1. <\/strong>The level of concentration and centralisation of capital and\nproduction, effective use of state power in all areas for the benefit of\nfinancial capital and the advancing monopolist state capitalism, all this\nwidens the opportunities for financial oligarchy to intensify oppression and\nexploitation. The urge for maximum profit and for the prevention of the\ntendency of the rate of profit to fall in connection with the rising organic\ncomposition of capital whips up the tendency of monopolies to intensify the\nexploitation of the working class and peoples. All this leads to the\ndevelopment of tendencies of unrest, anger and struggle among the working class\nand peoples; they contribute to the factors that force them to join the\nstruggle and unite their struggles in the workplaces, in different sectors as\nwell as country-wide and on a world scale. The varied levels of mass struggles\nof the oppressed and exploited classes turn into a political struggle against\ncapital and their governments. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2. <\/strong>High\nmonopolistic profits enable finance capital to develop a labour aristocracy and\nbureaucracy, a stratum that becomes the social foundation of the bourgeoisie\nand financial oligarchy within the working class movement as well as one of the\nmain sources of all sorts of opportunism and class collaboration. In order to\noppress and push aback the advancing movement of the working class, the\nmonopolist bourgeoisie effectively uses the labour aristocracy, bureaucracy and\ntottering intermediary forces, as well as its continuously strengthened\nbourgeois government. A continuous struggle against these strata, which are\nrenewed and modernised by the monopolist bourgeoisie depending on the progress\nof the workers\u2019 movement, is the condition for the victory of the working\nclass. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3. <\/strong>New heights\nreached in the export of capital leads to the development of modern large\nenterprises in developing countries and of a working class concentrated in\nthese enterprises. Despite their primacy as a modern developing class, the\nstruggle of the workers in these countries moves forward towards an independent\nmovement due to the conditions of fierce oppression and exploitation as well as\nbenefitting from the experiences of the workers of the advanced capitalist\ncountries. With this advancement the international movement of the working\nclass and its struggle for emancipation is no longer limited to advanced\ncapitalist countries and becomes a worldwide movement. While deepening the\ncontradictions within the ranks of the bourgeoisie, imperialism also develops\nthe conditions that unite workers of the advanced and developing countries as\nmembers of a single army, and that give an international character to their\nstruggles for emancipation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4. <\/strong>The\nrevolutionary struggle of the oppressed peoples and nations unites in the same\nfront with the revolutionary movement of the working class and becomes a\ncomponent of the worldwide workers\u2019 revolutionary movement. Capitalism ripens\nthe conditions and financial basis for these struggles to develop under the\nleadership of the working class and turn into peoples\u2019 revolutions for an\nuninterrupted transition to socialism. Workers\u2019 world revolution is no longer\nlimited to the advanced capitalist countries, and depending on the deepening of\nthe uneven and leapfrog development<strong>, <\/strong>this becomes a process that starts\nand develops with the weakest chain(s) of the capitalist-imperialist system\nbreaking. The working class seizes political power and organises as the ruling\nclass in the weakest chain(s) and the process of social revolution of the\nworking class and the construction of a classless society begins. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5. <\/strong>The working\nclass, by taking the means of production into common ownership, lays the\nfoundations of a communist society where classes and all forms of oppression\nand exploitation are eradicated. Anarchic and unbalanced production under\ncapitalism for profit and for the market is replaced by a social production based\non a constantly developing technical basis, and is planned according to all\nmaterial and nonmaterial needs of society. As it demolishes classes and\noppressive and exploitative relationships in all forms, the social revolution\nof the working class will also free other oppressed and exploited classes. The\nworking class can only fulfil its historical revolutionary role under the\ncommand of its party equipped with the theory of scientific socialism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6. <\/strong>The\nprecondition for this revolution is for the working class to seize power and\norganise as the ruling class, eradicating all attempts of restoration of\ncapitalism by waging a continuous struggle against all new and old forms and\nelements of capitalism. There is a transitional period between capitalist and communist\nsocieties, i.e. the first stage of communism, when elements of both co-exist in\nstruggle with each other and when the working class is organised as the ruling\nclass. At this first stage when the principle \u201cfrom each according to their\nability to each according to their labour\u201d reigns, productive forces are freed\nfrom the limiting effects of capitalist (and pre-capitalist) relations of\nproduction. The advancement of the process of socialist construction and\nproduction relations developing freely will prepare the conditions for the\ntransition to the second stage of communism with the principle \u201cfrom each\naccording to their ability, to each according to their need\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7. <\/strong>The advance\nof workers\u2019 world revolution winning victories in the weakest links of imperialism\nleads to the start and development of socialist construction under conditions\nof capitalist imperialist encirclement, to growing international support for\nthe domestic bases of the bourgeoisie and capitalism and their attempts to\nrestore the old order. A final and absolute victory of the working class can\nonly be achieved by worldwide demolition of the capitalist system and by\nreplacing the capitalist-imperialist encirclement with a socialist one. For\nthis reason the social revolution of the working class and the construction of\na communist society is a complex process, a continuum of national and\ninternational ups and downs, attacks and retreats, victories and defeats. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>IV. The October\nRevolution, socialist construction and counter-revolution <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>1. <\/strong>The First\nWorld War which was initiated by imperialists for the re-division of the world\nled to the destruction of the productive forces, the death, misery and\nmutilation of millions of people. This brought about revolutionary situations\nin many countries and the imperialist capitalist system was split in Russia\nwith the October Revolution of 1917. The working class of Russia consisting of\nvarious nationalities seized power and organised as the ruling class, and a new\nepoch of revolutions, an epoch of proletarian revolutions began.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2. <\/strong>The October\nRevolution was now a new factor feeding the tendency among the workers and the\noppressed peoples, who had been dragged by the imperialist war into total chaos\nand destruction, to organise and struggle. Whilst the Second International was\nheading towards a disgraceful end with its social-chauvinist line and a\ncollaborative stance towards the bourgeoisie, working classes\u2019 initiatives to\norganise as an independent party were gaining strength. As a result the Third\nInternational was born as an international organisation of the working class,\nwhich joined together the revolutionary workers\u2019 parties and organisations in\nboth the advanced and underdeveloped countries. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3. <\/strong>The October\nRevolution was followed by the workers\u2019 and labourers uprisings in many\ncountries, especially Germany, Austria and Hungary and the revolutionary\nuprisings as well as the liberation struggles of the oppressed peoples and\nnations in countries such as China, Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan. Getting the\nsupport of social democracy, labour aristocracy and bureaucracy, bourgeoisie\nand the reactionary forces suppressed the revolutionary uprisings of the\nworking class everywhere, except for Russia. With the onset of the 1929 crisis\nand with sharpening contradictions the imperialist capitalist system entered a\nnew period of confrontations and harsh struggles following a short breadth of\nrelative stability. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4. <\/strong>Under the\ncapitalist-imperialist encirclement the Soviet Union was also faced with the\ndestructive attacks of imperialism and reactionary forces as well as the\ndomestic resistance and attacks of the bourgeois-capitalist elements and their\nremnants which continued to exist during the whole transition period. Despite\nall this the country had shown unprecedented rapid progress in every field.\nWhen fascist dictatorships were established in many countries, especially in\nItaly, Japan and Germany, and fascism and reactionary political forces were on\nthe rise in the capitalist world, the capitalist-imperialist system in the\n1930s was being dragged into economic crises one after another and heading\ntowards a new war for the re-division of the world. On the other hand, with the\nprogress of the process of socialist construction the USSR became an advanced\nindustrial-agricultural country where the working and living conditions of\nworkers, peasants, and the intellectuals got better. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5. <\/strong>The Second\nWorld War resulted in the defeat of the fascist camp and in the ruptures of the\ncapitalist-imperialist system in new fronts. In Eastern Europe and the Balkan\ncountries people\u2019s revolutions took place with the leadership of the working\nclass; people\u2019s democracies were established and they headed in an\nuninterrupted way towards the construction of socialism. The revolutionary parties\nof the working class in many countries such as France, Italy, Greece and\nIndonesia became mass workers\u2019 parties and an alternative to political power.\nThis was followed by popular uprisings and national liberation wars in Asia,\nespecially in China and Vietnam, in Africa and Latin America. It was mostly due\nto this rise in the movements of the oppressed peoples and nations that the old\ncolonial system entered a process of disintegration and collapsed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6. <\/strong>The great\nmobilisation of the workers\u2019 and the oppressed peoples\u2019 movement led\nimperialism and world reactionary forces to join forces against them. The US\ngot the upper hand in its relations with other imperialist countries and,\nfollowing the Second World War, became the unique hegemonic power of the imperialist\ncapitalist system. This enabled imperialism to launch and command a unified\nattack, even though temporarily, on socialism, the revolutionary movement of\nthe working class and peoples. Also, finance capital began to renew its damaged\nrelations with labour aristocracy and bureaucracy as well as the hesitant\nintermediary forces, developing new tactics and methods, including giving\ntemporary concessions in order to neutralise the working class and peoples.\nWhilst \u201cwelfare state\u201d practices were expanding, new colonialist methods and\nforms were developed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7. <\/strong>Revolutionary\nmovement of the world working class was unable to repel the attacks of\nimperialism and the attacks carried out from inside by those elements\nfunctioning as a prop for the bourgeoisie within the workers\u2019 movement and in\nthe socialist camp, nor was it able to advance their gains towards a victory on\na world scale. At the 20th Congress a modern revisionist line became dominant\nin the CPSU and in the revolutionary movement of the working class. This was a\ncounter revolutionary line which interrupted socialist construction, which\nopened the path to the restoration of capitalism, and which replaced the\nstruggle against imperialism, bourgeoisie and all kinds of opportunist and\nrevisionist currents with collaboration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>8. <\/strong>While\ncapitalism was being restored with deformed socialist forms in socialist\ncountries, with the exception of Albania, revolutionary workers\u2019 movement\nentered a period of defeat and decline. In late 1980s and early 1990s the USSR\nand the bloc it was leading disintegrated. While the final remnants of\nsocialism and its deformed manifestations were being eradicated and typical\ncapitalist forms were replacing them, socialism in Albania collapsed, too. This\nwas now the beginning of a process when the destructive results of the defeat\nsuffered in the second half of the 1950 would manifest themselves in all\nclarity. Imperialism and the reactionary forces on a world scale now had the\nopportunity to launch the most effective anti-communist campaign in history.\nThe revolutionary movement of the working class and oppressed peoples was\nwithdrawn to its weakest level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>9. <\/strong>The many-sided consequences of the hegemony of modern revisionism,\nincluding the defeat, developed the conditions for the spread of those currents\nbased on neo-liberal, conservative, social democrat, neo-fascist reactionary\nforces. Revisionist currents of all shades were weakened, with some sections\ndisintegrating and their remnants turning into reformist right or left social democratic\ncurrents, while the others tried to survive by renewing their platforms. Under\nthese conditions when the oppression and the counter-revolutionary campaign of\nthe bourgeoisie intensified and the bourgeois ideology with its different forms\nspread among the masses and got stronger, \u201cnew\u201d currents developed with their\nmainstream solutions and alternatives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>10.<\/strong>&nbsp; The starting point of these \u201cnew\u201d currents\nwas the claim that the scientific socialist theory and its deductions were now\noutdated, that it could never explain social processes in a scientific way.\nWith new excuses they revived those theories claiming that scientific and\ntechnological revolution caused fundamental changes in the relations of\nproduction, that the contradiction between labour and capital was now\nsurpassed, and that the historical revolutionary role of the changing working\nclass came to an end. In line with all this they also argued that the material\nbasis for working class parties did no longer exist, that the function of\nworkers organisations, especially of trade unions, changed, that they became\nobsolete and would be replaced by new social organisations. Along with\npost-modern theories these theses were being advertised with new excuses and in\nreadapted forms in various titles such as \u201cradical democracy\u201d, \u201c21st century\nsocialism\u201d, \u201cmarket socialism\u201d, \u201ceco-anarchism\u201d, etc. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>V. Sharpening contradictions and the rising prospects of\nrevolution<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>1. <\/strong>Despite the\nheaviest blow the emancipation struggle of the working class had suffered in\nits history, the foundations of the revolutionary movement of the world working\nclass and oppressed peoples continued to develop rather than weaken. The\nscientific and technological revolution which occurred in the conditions of the\nstruggle between the capitalist and socialist systems as well as in capitalist\ncompetition brought about a multitude of consequences which advanced this\nfoundation. While the parasitic character o finance capital became more\nprominent, social inequalities continued to deepen. The material preconditions\nof socialism got even more ripened, and the working class and the\nsemi-proletarian masses got bigger on a world scale at a level not comparable\nto the 1950s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2. <\/strong>The defeat\nand the resulting many-sided decline in the working class and the oppressed\npeoples\u2019 movement led to greater aggression by imperialism and the world\nreactionary forces. There began a period of reckless aggression to eradicate\nthe final remnants of the gains and positions achieved by the working class and\nthe oppressed peoples, to push down their struggles, to lift all obstacles that\nlimit the exploitation by and the hegemony of finance capital and to achieve\nmaximum profit. Real wages went down in many countries. Public services such as\neducation, pensions, health and unemployment insurance were opened up for\nprivatisation as new investment fields with large profits. Social gains of\nworkers and labourers were brought down to the lowest levels. Subcontracting,\ninsecure and casual work became widespread. All this was accompanied by a\nsystematic restriction of democratic rights and freedoms as well as the\ndevelopment of political reactionary forces and militarism. All the burdens\nresulting from the economic crises and recessions, increasing competition and\nthe preparations for the re-division of the world and a final settling of\naccounts were loaded onto the working class and peoples. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3. <\/strong>Big\nimperialist countries have developed a stronger yoke on some other developed\ncountries as well as the underdeveloped and semi-developed ones, putting them\nin the process of economic and financial colonies. Through bilateral and\nmultilateral military, commercial and financial agreements as well as\ninternational institutions such as IMF, World Bank, EU, CIS, APEC, NATO, etc.,\nbig imperialist countries hold greater control in the economic, political,\nmilitary and cultural lives of the member states, restricting their\nindependence and sovereignty. These institutions were a result of the\nglobalisation of the capitalist world economy as well as the imperialist fight\nfor the re-division of the world, and they became instruments of big\nimperialist countries to coordinate their attacks and expand their sphere of\ninfluence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4. <\/strong>With the\ndisintegration of the USSR, the restrictions, in terms of the inter-imperialist\nrelations and contradictions, caused by the division and rivalry between the\ntwo blocs, each one led by a superpower, have disappeared. The balance of power\nwhich shaped all agreements with the economic, political and military\ninternational organisations such as UN, IMF, WB and NATO has shifted. China has\nbecome a significant imperialist power and Russia has emerged as a new\nimperialist focal point from the ruins of the USSR. Inter-imperialist power\nrelations have changed, the main imperialist powers repositioned themselves and\na new struggle for redivision has begun. In order to protect and widen their\nspheres of influence imperialist powers incited reactionary civil wars using\nnational, ethnic and religious differences. Peoples, especially in the Balkans,\nCaucasus, Africa and the Middle East were drawn into the quicksand of\nreactionary wars, and had become the target of direct military interventions by\nbig imperialist powers, especially the USA. Millions of people died in these\ninterventions and the wars incited by imperialists, and genocides had taken\nplace in Africa. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5.<\/strong> Despite the\nharshest blow that it suffered in its history, the struggle of the working\nclass and peoples went on uninterruptedly, though from a less advanced\nposition. In spite of the weaknesses arising from not having reached a level to\nrepel the attacks and not overcome the limits of spontaneous movement, this\nstruggle managed to advance, even during and after the 1990s when these attacks\nwere intensified, from workplace or sector bound strikes to general strikes and\nresistance, mass demonstrations, and to popular uprisings in the less developed\nand dependent countries. New revolutionary parties and organisations which\nemerged from the struggle against imperialism, bourgeoisie, and all shades of\nopportunist and revisionist currents, especially modern revisionism, continued\nand consolidated their struggles with new participations in the 1990s and\nafterwards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6. <\/strong>The advances\nin science and technology and in the means of production have widened the\npossibilities to meet and secure the needs of people by using natural resources\non the basis of scientific knowledge and respect for the laws of natural\ndevelopment. However, the use of advanced means of production under the control\nof capital and the monopolies and for maximum profit leads to the destruction\nof nature, disturbance of the ecological balance and creates a serious problem\nwhich threatens the humanity and all living things and requires an immediate\nsolution. The imperialist capitalist system is dragging humanity to a total\ncatastrophe in this regard, too.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7. <\/strong>While the\nmaterial bases of a world proletarian revolution are ripening, with its\ndeepening contradictions the capitalist-imperialist system is elevating further\nthe factors and conditions that bring about the inevitability of the\nreactionary imperialist wars as well as the revolutionary struggles and\nuprisings of the working class and peoples. Going from one crisis to another\nand accumulating the factors of a revolutionary eruption in many countries,\nthis system is heading towards a new period of wars, fundamental changes and\nrevolutions. No matter how fiercely imperialism and reactionary forces attack\nand how heavy the temporary defeats and failures are, the collapse of\ncapitalist-imperialist system and the victory of the world proletarian\nrevolution is inevitable. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>8. <\/strong>Not\nonly victories but also defeats can be educational for the working class and\npeoples, paving the steps for greater and more advanced victories. The Paris\nCommune came about following the 1831 workers struggles in France, the Chartist\nmovement in England and the 1848 revolutions, and the October Revolution was\nthe product of all these experiences. The victories and defeats of the 20th\ncentury will form the foundations of new and more advanced mobilisations and\nstruggles, educating the working class on the way. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>VI. The Revolution in\nTurkey<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>1.<\/strong> Countries\nare not equal in terms of their level and characteristics of capitalist development,\ntheir place in the global capitalist system, inter-class relations and balance\nof power, social conditions under which class struggle continues in all its\nforms, etc. All this leads to different short-term aims for workers and parties\nof the class in different nations, who are otherwise united around the same\nultimate goal. Variations become inevitable in the course of the overthrow of\nbourgeois dictatorship and capitalism; in the working class seizing power and\norganising as the dominant class; in the building of socialism and the course\nof development of social revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2.<\/strong> At the\nbeginning of the 20th century, when capitalism entered its monopolistic stage,\nTurkey, as a late entrant to capitalist development, had a semi-colonial and\nunderdeveloped social structure on the way to colonisation, where commodity\nproduction and trade, and capitalist relations of production, in this respect,\nwere developing but feudal relations still dominated. In the 20th century,\nimperialist countries and international finance capital groups dominated many\ncountries with a great majority of world population, hindering their\nindependent and free advance and influenced their social progress in line with\ntheir imperialist interests and choices. This was also the time when capitalism\ndeveloped and became dominant in Turkey under the following conditions:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>Imperialist attempts to colonise Turkey were repelled with\nthe National War of Independence. This was a weak anti-imperialist revolution\nled by the bourgeoisie who had shared power with Ottoman autocracy following\nthe 1908 revolution. They took full control of the state and organised as the\ndominant class in alliance with big land owners.<\/li><li>Through top-down reforms and state capitalism, the higher\nechelons of the bourgeoisie increased its grip on power and monopolised in\ncollaboration with imperialism, thus becoming the social basis of and\ndeveloping dependence relations with imperialism.<\/li><li>In Kurdistan, the process of nation building advanced in line\nwith capitalist development, but the rights of all nationalities, especially\nthe Kurds, were trampled upon; all their accumulation, markets and resources\nwere controlled by imperialism and ruling Turkish bourgeoisie, and Turks\norganised as the dominant nation. <\/li><li>Feudal relations were disintegrated and liquidated, not in a\nrevolutionary way but in an evolutionary process.<\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3.<\/strong> Dependent\ncapitalist development led to the dominance of imperialist and local monopolies\nin every field, and to the continuation of the existence of pre-capitalist\nremnants for a long time, despite weakening. This deepened uneven development,\none of the fundamental characteristics of capitalist development, and its\nconsequences. It amplified differences between the level of development in\nregions of different national make up and all sectors of the economy. The main\ncharacteristic of Turkish capitalism was the lack of advances in the sector\nthat produces the means of production, which is vital for an independent\neconomy; and in the case of development, it was a dependent one or one with an\noutdated technical base. Decisive industrial sectors and units of production\nwhich require modern technology and opportunities for research and development\nare all under the monopoly of imperialist companies and countries. Any advances\nthat may interfere with this monopoly are prevented and forced to be annexed to\nresearch and development departments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4.<\/strong> In Turkey,\nas in all dependent countries, modern enterprises exist alongside varied and\nwidespread small and medium size companies with outdated technology and systems\nof production. But capitalist development leads to replacement of small\nbusinesses by big ones, and advances the process of ever socialised production\nand capital being concentrated and centralised. This advances the material\npreconditions for socialism and the social forces that would build it in\nTurkey, deepening the antagonism between the social character of production and\ncapitalist accumulation of assets as well as the contradiction between labour\nand capital. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5.<\/strong> Accumulation\nthrough intensifying exploitation and increased foreign investment boosted\ncapitalist development. Furthermore, removal of measures that protect the\nnational economy elevated the process of dispossession of rural, small and\nartisan businesses. This led to majority of peasants to become seasonal or\npermanent agricultural workers, migrating to cities in ever bigger numbers and\nin constant waves. Forced evacuation of villages in Kurdistan further fuelled\nrural migration to cities. Waged labour increased in number and spread to all\nsectors as the numbers of big businesses increased in sectors such as\nagriculture and commerce, where the majority of businesses used to be small and\nmedium sized. With big business, the working class became a multi-national\nworkforce, concentrated in industrial areas in their thousands. Both in terms\nof its capacity for struggle and organisation as well as its population, it\ndeveloped into the main social force. As the intermediary classes and strata\ndisintegrated and their role in socio-economic life weakened, the process of\nsociety\u2019s division into two main social classes, bourgeoisie and working class,\nadvanced.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6.<\/strong> Turkey is a\ndependent capitalist country where capitalist production relations and\nmonopolies have been dominant for a long time, while the remnants of feudal\nrelations weakened but continued to exist, especially in Kurdistan. As\ndependent capitalist development process deepens, an increasing share of the\nmeans of production and the aggregate social production are under the control\nof local and international monopolies and big land owners. In contrast, those\nwithout basic means for a decent life and work, the dispossessed, the\nproletariat and the semi-proletarian masses and the army of unemployed are\ngetting bigger, and social inequalities are deepening. Furthermore, Turkey is a\ncountry where the political superstructure is shaped on a militarist,\nanti-democratic, chauvinist and nationalist basis, different nationalities,\nespecially the Kurds, and religious minorities are oppressed, public demand for\nequal rights, democratic rights and freedoms are suppressed with massacres and\nterror, and fascist oppression and terrorising tactics are intensified from\ntime to time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7.<\/strong> Intensifying\nimperialist exploitation and dependency relations, the exploitation and\ndominance of monopolies and the big land owners and remnants of feudalism are\nthe main obstacles for economic and social progress; they make living and\nworking conditions worse for all workers, the oppressed and the exploited. The\nmost apparent and tangible manifestations of this situation are the length and\nintensity of the working day; extremely low wages and atrocious working\nconditions; the size of the army of unemployed; growing semi-proletarian masses\ntrying to live in rural and urban areas, without any social security and\nregular employment, and on the brink of starvation, living in housing unfit to\ninhabit. This is accompanied by small business owners, especially peasants,\nbecoming poorer and dispossessed under suffocating pressure and oppression from\nlocal and international monopolies and big land owners. This can also be seen\nin curbing or complete disregard for the rights and freedoms of people; the\nwidespread and deep insecurity of majority of society in relation to their\nfuture. These conditions, worsening with increased dependency on imperialism\nand monopolisation and deepening at times of economic crisis and stagnation,\nraise the rage and the tendency to struggle among the oppressed and exploited\nmasses and force them to a united front against imperialism, monopolistic\nbourgeoisie and big land owners.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>8.<\/strong> Currently,\nthe immediate task facing the working class and its party in Turkey is to\nabolish imperialist exploitation and dependency relations, collaborating\nmonopolies, big land ownership and all feudal remnants, to win and secure all\ndemocratic rights and freedoms, including nations\u2019 right to self determination\nin a completely equal society. This urgent task can only be fulfilled by\nabolishing the domination of imperialism, monopolistic bourgeoisie and the big\nland owners, and by establishing a revolutionary people\u2019s power under the\nleadership of the working class, based on oppressed and exploited classes and\nstrata. People\u2019s power requires a new state organisation and apparatus, with a\npeoples\u2019 assembly on its highest power, elected and controlled by the people,\nbased on their organisation primarily in factories and agricultural enterprises\nand exercising their own power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>9.<\/strong> With the\nfulfilment of this urgent task, the main obstacles standing in the way of\neconomic and social progress and the working class\u2019 struggle for emancipation\nwill be eliminated. The victory against imperialism and the ruling classes,\nunder the leadership of the working class, will secure the uninterrupted\nwidening of the revolution to abolish classes and the relations of exploitation\nand oppression in all forms, and enable the steps towards socialist\nconstruction. The working class will benefit most from this victory and it is\nthe only class that can determinedly carry this struggle to its victorious end.\nThis will be the first step for it to accomplish its historical revolutionary\nrole and to achieve its ultimate emancipation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>A &#8211; For People&#8217;s Power and People&#8217;s Democracy <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>1.<\/strong> Establishment of a new state on the basis of a constitution\nwhich guarantees the absolute sovereignty and power of the people and\ndemocratic rights and freedoms, prepared by a constituent assembly elected by\nthe people, with their broadest participation, and presented to the public for\napproval.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>a. A people&#8217;s assembly which is formed by the representatives elected by the people, gathering all executive powers and working as the state&#8217;s highest sovereign authority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>b. The abolition of all local authorities appointed by the state, and the collection of all regional and local administrations in the hands of the assemblies consisting of representatives elected by the public at all levels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>c. Limitation of wages paid to elected representatives, deputies and officials so as not to exceed the average wages of qualified workers. The right to put to trial&nbsp;and dismissal of elected representatives and officials by voters. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>d. The right to elect and be elected to all parliamentary and administrative bodies to all 18 year-olds. Free elections based on the principles of equal, single stage, secret ballot, open count and proportional representation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>e. A people&#8217;s democracy where people can participate in all decision-making processes, free from formalism and from voting in elections only. Provision of an environment of freedom which will be the basis for the formation of the will of the people at every step with use of all means of communication and opportunities and for the continuous reflection of this will to the assemblies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>f. A new social political order in which a continuous struggle against all kinds of bureaucracy will be carried out, where the working class and laborers will learn to control and govern the state and society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2. <\/strong>The selection of judges by the public, the public court, the\npublic jury system and a judiciary open to public information and scrutiny. The\npublic&#8217;s right to dismiss the judges. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3. <\/strong>Equality between women and men in society and in the family,\nequal rights for all citizens without discrimination. Domicile and personal\nimmunity. Every citizen&#8217;s right to access state administration and information\nand to sue each officer in court without recourse to a higher authority. All\ndata regarding census, unemployment, budget, inflation etc. kept by public\ninstitutions should be accessed by anyone, be available free of charge,\nre-published in accordance with open data standards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4.<\/strong> Abolition\nof all indirect taxes, exemption of the minimum wage from taxes. Progressive\nincome\/corporation tax and inheritance tax for private and legal entities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5.<\/strong> Abolition\nof all legal and institutional barriers to freedom of thought, freedom of\nexpression, freedom of press and communication, the right to protest and take\npart in meetings, demonstrations and marches. Unlimited right for workers and\nlaborers to trade union, political organization and strike. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6.<\/strong> An\nofficial declaration of the country being a multinational country and the\nabolition of all national oppression and privileges. Full equal rights for all\nnations and national communities and languages. The right to\nself-determination, up to and including the right to establish a separate\nstate, for all nations, especially the Kurdish nation. Abolition of the\ncompulsory single official language. The right to benefit from public services\nin their mother tongue for all public and national communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7.<\/strong> The\nseparation of religion from the state for a genuine secularism. Declaration of\nreligion being a personal matter. Termination of all religious institutions of\nthe state including those in the field of education; an end to the financing of\nreligious institutions and communities by the state, and leaving the religious\narea to the pious people. Prevention of politicizing of religion. Total separation\nof religion from education; the elimination of compulsory religious education,\nand the elimination of the religious content from the curriculum. A true\nfreedom of belief, with the state keeping its distance and being impartial in\nthe face of all religions, sects and beliefs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>8.<\/strong> The\nprohibition of racist, fascist organizations. The eradication of the\nintelligence service (MIT), counter-guerrilla, Special Forces, police, village\nguards and all kinds of monitoring organizations and apparatuses, and the liquidation\nof fascist, provocative gangs camouflaged in various bureaucratic and political\ncircles. Open trials of all perpetrators who committed a crime against the\npeople. Publicising all secret state archives, and victims to be compensated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>9.<\/strong> National\ndefence and domestic security to be based on the general armament of the\npeople, and the reorganization of the army accordingly. The right to\nconscientious objection.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;  <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>10.<\/strong> Reorganization\nof all education including pre-school and university as public service. The\ntransfer of all private education institutions to the public. Removal of all\nschool entrance exams at all levels. A free, scientific and secular education.\nA national curriculum that is not racist, religious or sexist, that takes\nnational differences in the country into account, to be the basis for the\neducation and development of new generations. Equality in access to educational\ninstitutions and facilities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>Free nursery and kindergarten for all those who\nneed it. A 12-year compulsory basic education for every child. All children&#8217;s\nnutrition, school equipment and transportation expenses covered by the state.\nThe right for every child to enter any secondary educational institution. <\/li><li>Access to higher education and universities for\neveryone, especially the young. Cancellation of the Higher Education\nInstitution (Y\u00d6K) and similar institutions and laws. An autonomous, scientific\nand democratic university. Management of universities and colleges by elected\nboards. Student organisations to be independent from the administrations,\nincluding their funding. Scholarships, free housing, transportation and\nadequate nutrition for every university student in need.<\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>11. <\/strong>Declaration of public\nand individual health to be an inalienable citizenship right and a free public\nservice. The cessation of privatization of hospitals, the transfer of private\nhealth institutions to the public. All preventive and primary care and health\nservices to be free of charge and fully accessible. Reorganization of hospitals\nand all health institutions with sufficient number of personnel and equipment\nto provide quality health care.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>B &#8211; For an\nIndependent Country and Social Progress<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>1.<\/strong> Full disclosure of international\nagreements made on behalf of the country. Termination of all secret and open\npolitical and military agreements with imperialist countries and institutions.\nRelations with other countries, in particular with neighbouring countries, to\nbe based on respect for national independence and sovereignty, mutual benefit,\nnon-interference in internal affairs, equality, peace and friendship. A\ncoherent diplomacy in international affairs, observing the disadvantaged and\noppressed groups. Supporting national freedom and progressive popular\nstruggles, a show of solidarity against imperialist and expansionist\ninterventions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2.<\/strong> Leaving the NATO. Closure of all foreign\nmilitary bases in the country; the dismantling of all weapons systems in these\nareas, primarily nuclear weapons. Abolition of laws and regulations that allow\nthe presence of foreign troops. An end to all types of armament for attack. The\nwithdrawal of all troops that are deployed abroad and the prohibition of\nsending troops across the borders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>3.<\/strong> An end\nto considering Cyprus as a \u2018backyard\u2019 of Turkey. The withdrawal of all foreign\nbases and military units, including the Turkish Army, from Cyprus. The\nrecognition of the future of Cyprus to depend on the will of the people of both\nnations in Cyprus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>4.<\/strong> The\nwithdrawal of the EU application. Exit from the IMF, World Bank and WTO. Abolishing\nthe privileges granted to international capital institutions, in particular the\nEU and the Customs Union, and the cancellation of all privileged agreements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>5.<\/strong> Nationalization\nof all enterprises and foundations in the fields of finance, industry, agriculture,\ncommerce and services as well as large lands, mines and forests, streams, lakes\nand coasts owned by the imperialist and collaborative monopolist bourgeoisie\nand big landowners without compensation. Unification of all banks and other financial institutions under a single\nnational bank, and putting these nationalized enterprises under the control of\nthe workers and labourers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>6.<\/strong> Cancellation of all debts to imperialist\nstates, capital groups and institutions. State monopoly on foreign trade and the\ninflow and outflow of money and capital.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>7.<\/strong> The Labour Party (EMEP) supports the\nstruggle of peasants against the imperialist and collaborating monopolies and\nbig landowners, and puts forward the following demands:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>The appropriation of big lands by agricultural\nworkers and peasants, especially those where feudal remnants still exist, and\nincluding those under the ownership of foundations and the state.<\/li><li>Committees that include\nagricultural workers to control all movable and immovable property, such as the\nfacilities where all the buildings, machinery and equipment, agricultural\nproducts are handled on the seized lands.<\/li><li>For the development of agriculture and its\ntechnical basis, the establishment of machinery-tractor parks and enterprises\nto produce and develop seeds, seedlings, breeding animals, etc. for use of\npeasants.<\/li><li>Cancellation of all debts and\nmortgages of peasants to banks, imperialist and collaborating monopolies, loan\nproviders and big landowners.<\/li><li>Peasant organizations to have a\nsay on planning of agricultural production, marketing of products and\ndetermination of prices.<\/li><li>In the conditions of the\nvictory of the revolution and the establishment of peoples\u2019 power, the\nnationalized land and the forests and water resources to be given to the use of\nthe peasants organized in the local government organs, except for those parts\nwhich are important for the whole of the country; the establishment of modal\ncollective enterprises as well as large-scale modern agricultural enterprises\non their allocated lands.<\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>C &#8211; For the\nImprovement of Working and Living Conditions and for a Liveable World<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>1. The right to have a healthy, safe, humane and future-guaranteed life, free housing and transportation for every citizen; suitable and safe work for every women and men who can work; the opportunity to work in a healthy environment for each worker.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>Prohibition of casual work, of night work except for technical\nrequirements, of all forced and overtime work; a 7-hour work day, 5-day work\nweek and a 5-hour working day limit in heavy and dangerous jobs; the right to\nrest 2 days a week, 40 days continuous holiday per year without any salary\ndeductions; double salary for mandatory night shifts and dangerous works.<\/li><li>Healthy conditions in factories and workplaces; adequate precautions\nagainst occupational accidents and occupational illnesses, hygienic environment\nand adequate equipment for the protection of worker&#8217;s health and life; the\nemployment of doctors in every workplace which employ more than 50 workers; fully\nequipped hospitals for industrial zones; legal arrangements that keep the\nbosses responsible for accidents or work-related illnesses of workers without\nfurther investigation; a regular income for the employer who lost his job and\nfor his dependents if he loses his life, funded by a private tax for bosses.<\/li><li>A standard minimum wage for all sectors and regions based on a family of\n4; prohibition of illegal employment without insurance and of payment under the\nminimum wage, prohibition of salary deductions for penalties or any other\nreasons; apprentices, workers and labourers working from home to be included in\nthe scope of work, wage and insurance laws, and all insurance payments to be\nmade by the bosses.<\/li><li>Child and elderly care and all domestic work to\nbe considered as public responsibility for the society.\n2 months paid maternal leave before the birth of\na child and 6 months of paid parental\nleave for both parents; free quality childcare provision in the neighbourhoods;\nnurseries and nursing rooms in workplaces, and breastfeeding leave for mothers.<\/li><li>A social security system that prevents\ndependence of spouses on each other and that makes them the right-holder as an\nindividual; equal division of the family income; removal of all obstacles to\nwomen&#8217;s employment; prevention of women working in jobs that would adversely\naffect their health; taking special measures to employ women in the jobs\nconsidered as qualified, paying equal salaries for equal work.<\/li><li>Prohibition of firing workers by bosses, and the\nuse of child labour under the age of 18; obligation to employ disabled workers\nat workplaces employing more than 30 workers.<\/li><li>Abolition of subcontracting, rental and\ncontractual work, precarious forms of work, etc.; protection of all vested\nrights of workers, including indemnity and retirement benefits for city and\nrural workers. Reduction of the compulsory duration of work and qualified\nnational insurance contributions for retirement, and the provision of pensions\nto all; the right to have early retirement for workers and labourers doing\nheavy and dangerous jobs.<\/li><li>Prohibition of lock-outs, removal of all\nobstacles to the right to strike in any form (as a right, solidarity, political\nand general); recognition of workplace representatives and trade unions as\norganizations representing workers at workplaces, and the responsibility to be\ngiven to these organizations to intervene regarding the working conditions,\noccupational accidents and all disputes, including processes before these\nproblems; the supervision of decisions regarding the workers by trade unions\nand workers\u2019 representatives; new legal regulations for workplace disciplinary\ncouncils with equal representation, chaired by workers and consisting of male\nand female workers; the right to call labour inspectors, including the request\nof a female inspector, and to apply to the tribunals.<\/li><li>Prohibition of all forms of casual work in the\npublic sector; the right to have permanent and secure work; the removal of all\nobstacles to the right of the public workers to join a union with the right to\ncollective bargaining and strike; the right of public workers to elect their\nown manager and to involve in politics.<\/li><li>An\nagricultural labour law that guarantees the right of agricultural workers to have trade\nunions, insurance, and to strike; provision of all kinds of social security and\nan end to pay discrimination; adequate housing and transportation for seasonal\nworkers and appropriate education conditions for their children.<\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n<p>2. Prevention of the work inspectorate and tribunals from being a means of supporting the bosses and temporising the workers, and rebuilding them as devices that are truly independent and distant from the boss and governments; the right of workers and union organizations to supervise these devices and participate in their administration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>3. Prohibition of agents such as private employment offices, messengers, foremen and nepotism; reorganization of the employment institutions with the obligation to monitor the rights of workers and to facilitate them to find the appropriate job.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>4. Insurance contributions to be prevented from being used by the bosses as a financial \u2018fund\u2019, and all confiscated property, money and premiums to be returned to the insurance institutions with interest; these institutions to be supported by the state and administered by the organs elected by workers and controlled by trade unions; full support for health, improvements in pensions and unemployment payments; transparency in all transactions, payments and balance sheet of all insurances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>5. A living and a liveable world prevented from plunders; cities with human and labour-centred urbanization projects rather than \u201curban transformation\u201d based on land speculation and rent-seeking. A social and cultural life based on knowledge, responsibility and sharing, free from all kinds of mistrust.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>In the\nfield of environment, nutrition and energy, the focus to be all living\ncreatures and public health, and not profit. Prevention of the commodification of water, the\nplundering and marketisation of the nature and the destruction of natural life.\nPreventing the country from becoming a toxic waste and nuclear waste depot by\nprohibiting nuclear power plants. Protection of soil, forests, waters, plants and\nanimals. Prohibition of genetically modified seeds and food products that destroy\nfood safety in agricultural production.\nTermination of patent\nmonopoly. Clean agricultural and industrial production.<\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n<p>b. Recovering settlements and cities, saving them from being transformed into concrete and metal heaps. Village, city, building and transportation plans compatible with nature, facilitating the lives of people, especially children, elderly and the disabled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>c. Prevention of the destruction and looting of historical and cultural heritage; an end to the monopoly of capital groups on science, culture and art. Breaking of imperialist and reactionary cultural siege and oppression. Supporting art and literature based on the progressive and democratic accumulation of knowledge of humanity, educating the people and raising its aesthetic appreciation. Ensuring the freedom of artistic and literary creation. Providing opportunities for workers and labourers of all ages and types to develop and exhibit their cultural and artistic creativity. Ensuring the right of all citizens to access science, culture and art products. Free internet service for all.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>d. Science and scientific work to be in the service of society. Freedom of scientific research. Supporting scientific studies and scientists by providing all kinds of opportunities. Abolition of intellectual property such as patent etc. on scientific discoveries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>e. A social organization where everyone can do sports. An end to the sexist and winning-focused approach to sports so a healthy and creative development of citizens can be achieved. Popularization of public parks with public sports facilities for an easy access to sports facilities for all.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>f. Central and local administrations to be accountable to the public on all issues directly related to public life, especially natural, environmental and urban ones. The right for the public, central and local institutions to scrutinize the plans and practices of development, reconstruction and production work as well as of the protection of natural and historical heritage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>6.\u00a0 To enable elderly and disabled citizens to participate in social life. Privileged individual and social rights to be applied without compromise. Kindergartens and schools to be designed with easy access to the disabled. Legal protection of children&#8217;s rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>7. Gender equality to be regarded as a fundamental principle in all aspects of social life. An end to pressures, violence and all forms of discrimination against different sexual orientations. An end to all forms of discrimination that women experience in work and in all areas of social and cultural life. <g class=\"gr_ gr_10 gr-alert gr_gramm gr_inline_cards gr_run_anim Grammar only-ins replaceWithoutSep\" id=\"10\" data-gr-id=\"10\">Effective<\/g> and uncompromising struggle against the effects of patriarchal structures and traditional reactionary mentality on women&#8217;s social position; all kinds of legal and practical regulations to be made accordingly. Prevention of violence against women, and the influence of patriarchal judgments and attitudes in crimes against women, imposing penal sanctions on officials who do not fulfil their obligations in this regard, increasing the number and quality of shelters and counselling services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>With the exception of the perpetrators of crimes\nagainst humanity and the public, the right of residency or refugee status to\neveryone who migrated to Turkey. The elimination of discriminatory practices\nagainst migrants; providing residence, accommodation and employment. Social\nsecurity and equal citizenship rights for all who wish. All migrants to benefit\nequally from public services, especially education and health, regardless of\ntheir status.<\/li><li>The workers who are originally from Turkey and\npermanently reside abroad should be seen as part of the indigenous working\nclass, with equal rights, and class unity to be promoted. An end to the\npolicies of the Turkish state and various religious-political organizations\nsupported by the state that polarise Turkey originated immigrants on ethnic and\nreligious grounds and that exploit them economically. An exemption from\ncompulsory military service in Turkey for those who live abroad and full\nimplementation of citizenship rights without being exposed to bureaucratic\nobstacles.<\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>November 2016<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Throughout the history, society has been divided into classes which have conflicting interests. The main division has always been between two antagonistic classes, the exploiting one and the exploited, i.e. those who produce all material values and those who appropriate social surplus products created by labour. This division has also led to a continuous struggle&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2817,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[37],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3305","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-programme"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.2 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>The Programme of the Labour Party, Turkey (EMEP) - Labour Party, Turkey (EMEP)<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/emep.org\/en\/the-programme-of-the-labour-party-turkey-emep\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Programme of the Labour Party, Turkey (EMEP) - Labour Party, Turkey (EMEP)\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Throughout the history, society has been divided into classes which have conflicting interests. 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